Population growth can be a sign of prosperity but also a harbinger of future disasters. The People's Republic of China faced increased population growth in the early 1960s, after the “Great Famine”. In the late 1970s, China acted quickly and implemented a policy based on the Malthusian principle of preventive controls. Under Mao's rule, the “One Child Policy” was implemented and over time was strictly enforced. The one-child policy succeeded in slowing population growth, but to achieve this, sex ratios were distorted more than before, the age structure was upset, the labor force decreased, marriage became extremely competitive, some positive and negative changes in China's development. a society in which China's one-child policy has achieved its goal of reducing population growth, but this decrease would lead to serious changes in the country's age structure. Fewer children are born every year due to the one-child policy and this has ultimately upset the structure of the age pyramid. In 1994, S. Irudaya Rajan became interested in China's one-child policy and the change in age structure as a result of the one-child policy. According to Rajan's research (1994), fertility is declining but this will lead to an "ageing of the population". (page 2505). Population aging is a concept that would describe the result of China's one-child policy; fewer children are being born and as a result there will be a larger population of elderly people than children will be born. This is problematic because ultimately there will be more senior citizens than there are citizens capable of working. Rajan points out that Shanghai province has the highest percentage of elderly population. Looking at the 1990 Chinese census, Rajan found that the percentage of children under 14 was lower than that of Indian children. This further proves that China's one-child policy has been effective in reducing population growth, but there are negative externalities such as labor force. In terms of development, the one-child policy caused harm in the sense that gender inequality remained. According to Vanessa Fong (2002), the one-child policy did not empower women but instead promoted modernization by attempting to decrease the population. Fong further argues that the one-child policy was not implemented to free women from the burden of high fertility, but rather was just an externality in the grand scheme of the one-child policy (p. 1100). Fong said women in China had to postpone careers due to medical issues and maternity leave due to frequent childbirth, but the one-child policy slowly reduced fertility (p. 1101). Because of this change in fertility, women were able to enter the workforce or care for the elderly, but gender inequality remained. Research by Lawrence Hong (1987) found that gender inequality in China was still evident as women were underrepresented in high-ranking positions. Digging deeper into the effects and outcomes of the one-child policy, female infanticide and female abortions can be seen as further acts that promote gender inequality. Hong concluded that reports of female infanticide are alarming, but that they are common and that women in China cannot achieve gender equality unless they make sacrifices (p. 324). Hong's statement may seem controversial, but he makes the point